After crossing the open area covered with large, meaningful posters, I stepped into the main hall — and was deeply moved by the atmosphere. The hall, with a seating capacity of 800, was almost full — primarily with rural party supporters from nearby and distant parts of Maharashtra. The eagerness on their faces reflected their hopes and expectations from the leaders of both parties gathered there. 

At the center of a long banner were smiling photos of Comrade Ashok Manohar and Comrade Swapan Mukherjee, with images of departed leaders from both parties — a powerful reminder that today’s leadership stands on the shoulders of those who dedicated their lives to revolutionary work. The stage was named in honour of these two comrades — the Comrade Ashok Manohar and Comrade Swapan Mukherjee Manch. 

As Ashok’s wife and comrade, I was profoundly moved on this day of merger. The seed of this dream — like those seen and nurtured by countless known and unknown comrades — had been sown by him many years ago. A dream of building a world that was more just, humane, and in harmony with nature. Ashok firmly believed that such a transformation could only be achieved through a proper revolutionary Communist Party.

Though he became involved in the left movement early in life, he joined the Lal Nishan Party after 1976. He carried forward the ideological legacy of a group known as Magova.

What was Magova?

The 1960s were times of global turmoil — often referred to as the “Swinging Sixties.” In 1968, France witnessed massive uprisings by students and workers. These events were closely studied by a group of students at IIT Powai in Mumbai. From classical music, literature, and painting, their conversations gradually shifted to deeper socio-political questions: Why poverty? Why so much inequality? What is the role of a worker?

They examined with intense seriousness, the Vietnam anti-war movement, the Hippie movement, Beatles music, student revolts, labour strikes, and civil rights struggles etc. Young minds from TIFR (Tata Institute of Fundamental Research) in Mumbai also joined the dialogue.

This led to the formation of a left-leaning group – Magova – with a clear and deepening understanding of Marxist thought. The word Magova means "to review in depth." 

During vacations, they shared their insights with youths in their hometowns in Maharashtra. Over time, a meaningful, ideologically rooted group came together. According to this group, all major contemporary Communist parties in India had committed serious errors. Many important aspects of social and other struggles had been ignored by them. Magova believed that these gaps needed to be addressed within a new framework.

Magova’s Involvement in the Bhil Adivasi Movement, Shahada

In 1971, during a severe drought, Shahada and Taloda talukas in Dhule district witnessed a critical incident. 
The background was - a man named Vishram Hari Patil had received 500 acres of land from the government in 1930. An American-trained agriculturalist, he developed a large farm estate known as “Patilwadi.” His son, Jagannath, later managed the land, employing around 45 bonded laborers (saldars) and other workers.

During the drought, the Patils denied these saldars their usual grain allowance. This sparked serious unrest. A tribal singer named Ambarsing Suratvanti took the lead. He planned to open the Patil’s warehouse and distribute grain to the hungry. However, the plan was leaked. Though the group initially managed to access the grain, they were violently attacked on their return. One Adivasi was killed, and many were arrested.

Vinoba Bhave’s Sarvodaya movement and the Gram Swarajya Samiti brought attention to the incident. The periodical Manus also covered it in detail.

Moved by these events, young activists from the Magova group, including Ashok, went to Shahada to investigate and support the Adivasi community. Ashok became a full-time organizer with the newly formed Shramik Sanghatana.

At that time, Ashok had just begun co-running a factory and had the chance to become an industrialist. But he gave it up to dedicate his life to activism. Though his family was initially distressed, he had open conversations with them. Eventually, they understood. Two of his sisters joined the women’s movement, and one of his brothers later worked full time with Baba Amte.
When I first met the young Ashok Manohar, the Magova group had just dissolved. But I came to know him as a passionate and committed political activist. I had always believed that my life partner should be someone who thought differently and lived with conviction. During this search, I met Ashok — right at the Magova office in Pune.

Ashok’s Personal Background

Hailing from a traditional Brahmin family in Pune, his parents were religious but not dogmatic. While studying at SP College, he and a group of friends formed a group to protect democracy. At that time, they were overwhelmed by the anti-communist propaganda and viewed communism as a threat to democracy. But this prompted a self-reflective question: How can one criticize communist ideology without understanding it? So, they invited the Marxist thinker V.Y. Kolhatkar to deliver a talk at the college. Some students strongly opposed the idea and created chaos during the event. In the end, Ashok and a few others had to escort Kolhatkar to safety without letting him speak.

This incident triggered a change in Ashok. He began reading Marxist literature on his own. It was this intellectual journey that eventually brought him into contact with Sudhir Bedekar and the Magova group.

Ashok During the Emergency (1975)

During the 1975 Emergency, Ashok went underground and began organizing in Pune’s industrial sector. Faced with two options — academic research or direct activism — he chose the latter and began working with Comrade A.D. Bhosale, a respected labour leader and member of the Lal Nishan Party. Though Ashok’s background differed from that of the Lal Nishan Party’s, they agreed on key principles: no factionalism, complete openness, and integrity in political work. Thus began Ashok’s crucial contribution to Pune’s labour movement.

Now, Ashok got an opportunity to work in a new environment. In fact, it would be more accurate to say that he earned this opportunity thoughtfully. A new industrial world was taking shape in Pune — factories and manufacturing units. Bajaj Auto, TELCO, David Brown, Formica, Philips, PMT Tools — and the small-scale industries emerging in Bhosari. Various factories were also being set up along Nagar Road.

Getting the chance to work among industrial workers — the very section of society that, according to Karl Marx, truly has the potential to bring about change — was something Ashok found deeply fulfilling. He believed that seeing the working class rise in a developing country like India was a meaningful experience.

He remained consistently active among the workers. They were young, and Ashok too was young. Making friends came naturally to him, and because of this quality, he blended well with the workers. His first real involvement in industrial labor struggles began at the David Brown company. The fight for wage increase lasted a long time, and during this movement, workers faced police batons — Ashok too was beaten at that time. Four workers had been victimised, who started working in trade unions as full time activists.
He started study circles for young workers in the Balamal chawls of Pimpri and in Morwadi. Through these study groups, he would help workers understand the full process of production and assess how much they really knew about it.

Often, the owners of the chawls built for workers would collude with factory owners. The young workers, mostly from the Konkan region and western Maharashtra — Satara, Kolhapur — had usually passed out from ITIs (Industrial Training Institutes). Ashok kept notes of such detailed realities of workers’ lives. 

He would explain in simple terms how companies prepared balance sheets, how they hid key details, and how to uncover the hidden exploitation of labour in every minute of hard work. He analysed several major workers’ struggles — such as the TELCO workers’ agitation and the first instance of police firing at Bajaj company in Pune. He also wrote some booklets on these topics.
At the level of trade unions, he encouraged unity marches and collective action. Throughout these processes, he regularly engaged in deep political and ideological discussions with Comrade A.D. Bhosale.

As I was in front of photographs of Comrade Ashok and Swapan ji I remembered the last meeting they had together in Pune for the AICCTU meeting. Taking a pause here, I have travelled back.

And a New Journey in My Life Also Began

After registering our marriage, Ashok and I began living together at his home. Perhaps his father hoped that Ashok too would eventually take up a job and lead a conventional life after marriage. But when he realized that I, too, was not someone who would fit into that mold, he didn’t express anger or disapproval.

Ashok’s mother was extremely affectionate. Being the youngest son, he was especially dear to her. She never pressured me to follow any traditional customs expected of a newlywed woman. On the contrary, she often said, “What our generation couldn’t do, you have the chance to do.”

When it came to my own marriage, I had taken a firm stand — and it led to many debates and disagreements at my parental home. My father was influenced by RSS ideology. He worked in government service and was frequently transferred. His views about life values and beliefs were somewhat muddled. He had three daughters, but he never expressed disappointment about not having a son. 

However, my elder sister’s inter-caste marriage caused him social backlash, and this affected him deeply. As for me, I rebelled even more strongly regarding marriage. I declared firmly that I would not take part in the traditional practice of being “shown” for a match.
When we were children, he had encouraged us to read progressive literature. He had us read the novel Pan Lakshat Kon Gheto and Kalyanche Nishwas, a collection of progressive short stories. As a child, I had been strongly drawn to scientific thinking. That’s why I wanted a partner who would live differently, unconventionally. Ashok opened up that horizon for me.

Gradually, I came into contact with many eminent activists who had dedicated their entire lives to a cause of the people. I developed a close relationship with Comrade Leelatai Bhosale. I also came to know Dr. Sulabha Brahme, Dr. Kumud Pore, and several others who had once been active in the Magova group — like Dr. Anant Phadke, Dr. Bharat Patankar, Sudhir Bedekar, and Suhas Paranjape. These individuals soon became good friends, and they began conducting study circles for us.

I had made it clear from the very beginning — even during my first meetings with Ashok — that I wouldn’t accept Marxism just because he believed in it. I was particularly aware of issues concerning women’s freedom and equality. Through my interactions with these people, I was introduced to a more theoretical and analytical understanding of the concept of equality.

It was through this process that I came to deeply appreciate Maharashtra’s progressive legacy — the ideas of Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, and Shahu Maharaj. I started understanding how to bring these ideals before the working class and how to carry forward their efforts in the context of changing times.

This ideological churning later proved very helpful when I began working with the Pune Municipal Corporation Workers’ Union.
Becoming part of the process of social change meant understanding the lives of workers, labourers, and the oppressed, especially Dalits and Adivasis. Through our involvement in Shahada, we became part of the Adivasi movement there. The issues faced by Adivasi women and the exploitation they endured began to feel like my own.

At that time, Pune was emerging as a new industrial hub. Young labourers from all over Maharashtra were migrating to the city. They lived in one-room tenements in chawls, facing numerous difficulties — and all of this became visible to us as part of the larger struggle.

I began to understand the exploitation of workers in factories — how every moment of their labour was calculated for profit, the production processes, and the companies’ balance sheets. We analysed these in detail during various labour struggles.
In our office — and even at home — we were constantly engaged in discussions with friends about labour struggles in Pune. Together with Dr. Bharat Patankar and Gail Omvedt, we formed a commune of sorts. Eventually, due to the strain of frequent visits and discussions at home, we decided to live together with Bharat and Gail. Many of our friends came to stay there too, and it became a vibrant community.

Bharat Patankar had once worked extensively with the mill workers in Mumbai, in collaboration with the Lal Nishan Party. He was also an active Magova member. After Magova was dissolved, he, along with some other activists founded the Shramik Mukti Dal.
I remained active in the women's movement and organizations, but there was a strong inner urge to work with labour unions as well. Eventually, I got the opportunity to work with the Municipal Workers’ Union.

But in a time of serious social and political challenge — on 31st July 2003, Ashok suddenly passed away due to a heart attack.
Ashok had very strong convictions about what a comrade should be. He often quoted Lenin and Marx in this context: “The heart of a revolutionary must be an ocean of emotion, and the mind a laboratory of ideas.” Or “All theories are gray, but life is green.” That’s how he lived — passionately and fully.

Even though he’s gone, his sensitivity, his deep empathy for others, and his unwavering commitment to the working class — these remain the foundations I continue to live by.

That’s why this Unity conference of the Lal Nishan Party and the CPI(ML) Liberation evoked so many memories. It felt like a day that brought alive old dreams — and opened up a new, wider sky for the realization of new ideas for equality and transformation.
By now, the public meeting had begun. Leaders and activists from the Lal Nishan Party and CPI(ML) Liberation were speaking. The crowd was eager to listen — and so was I. 
 
(The author is an activist, trade union leader, and writer, with a long association with the Pune Municipal Corporation Employees Union and the central committee of the Lal Nishan Party.)